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Culture Shock! (continued)

October 5, 2016 in 1960s-1970s

“That’s just ridiculous!” I exclaimed loudly, beginning to shed my usually shy, intimidated mantle.

I did so to my own surprise—without any statistics or the names of students that I could call to back me up. Such an outburst even jolted my “Individual Difference” teacher of psychology. He had just made the statement (while talking about I.Q.) that no “Negro” that he ever had in class had made above a C. Surprisingly to me and maybe even to him, the graduate students in class began to “get my back” about his contentions of race and I.Q. by quoting all kinds of statistics and studies that proved otherwise. The professor shut up. In the end I received a B out of the class though I strongly felt that I deserved better.

“I’ll bet that I can trace the roots of all of you back to England.”

My European History teacher, Mr. I., on the first day of class of an exceptionally large group, canvassed the class with eye scan and winked at us all as he began with, “I’ll bet that I can trace the roots of all of you back to England.” I am sure that he did that for effect at that time — or maybe not. Only one other black person was in that class, a commuting student by the name of Wanda, the first and only that landed in a class with me though there were other commuting Negro students on campus. She and I got to be the best of friends, and years later, she became my bridesmaid. As we were leaving class, I said of the professor, “Did you hear him?” She replied rather quickly: “Oh, you know they don’t consider us as people. so he wasn’t talking about us.” That was a common belief among many blacks — and rightly so — considering what had happened during slavery. But I intuitively liked the man then, and after my watching televised Roots, and studying intensely Louis Lomax’s Freedomways, I felt more assured that Dr. I. must have been on the level.

Then as now, students at all levels tend to clump together by race in large settings.

The next semester there was a small influx of more out-of town, and some out of state off campus black students for some reason or other. The few from the North seemed to exhibit an air of superiority over those of us Kentuckians as we shared the same break table—dining for some—at the student union building. Then as now, students at all levels tend to clump together by race in large settings. The uppity ones from out of town who dressed differently, danced better, spoke with a northern twang, and won at card games that they played all day long were soon on their way back home after a semester or two and were the last ones to register the immediately following semester.

They had students register by GPA.

I have been to other colleges and universities and have seen registration processes, but never have I seen what the University did one year I was enrolled. They had students register by GPA. What an embarrassment to all students—white and black– who did not have decent grades!! No more secrets, no more lies, no more pretenses. The students, parents, and others probably howled so much about that experiment until I don’t think the University ever tried that again. Probably to all who didn’t realize as I did (having had access as a honest and trusted student worker to all grades from the Registrar’s office) that some of those students did not even garner a point! Hard to imagine. So nosy Wanda and I walked by and viewed their comeuppance–so to speak—We saw those black students who played cards all day long as well as whites who tried to sound ultra intelligent in classroom discussions in those low GPA lines. I thought that was an awful thing for them to experience.

White music, white dancers, basically a white event.

Another element of culture shock for me involved the street dances where very few blacks danced, giving the scarcity of match mates. At that time students of color didn’t dare dance with those out of their culture. Large segments of the street were blocked off around Memorial Coliseum where whites danced and blacks for the most part looked on. The experience was an intriguing first for me though I did not participate in that activity. White music, white dancers, basically a white event.

A Smoking Campus

UK was one smoking campus culture as almost everyone smoked. I don’t imagine that I should have been surprised, Kentucky being a tobacco state and all, but it was shocking to see some pied female professors break out a cigarette when walking across campus, light up and begin to puff. I didn’t begin that terrible habit until I was older and transferred to a college in Tennessee for a couple of semesters for the explicit reason of having fun that I could not have at UK with dances, sorority and fraternity events governed by overarching remnants of grandfather clauses, etc.

KY Human Rights Commission asks state and local governments to erect statues of women

August 20, 2015 in Historiography

Press release from Kentucky Commission on Human Rights
August 20, 2015
Louisville, Kentucky USA

The Kentucky Commission on Human Rights Board of Commissioners at its meeting today unanimously passed a resolution encouraging Kentucky state and local governments to erect statues of women of historical significance and of notable achievement in places of honor throughout the Commonwealth of Kentucky.

The resolution will be submitted to the Kentucky General Assembly and to the Governor of Kentucky, the Kentucky Mayors’ Association, the Kentucky County Judges’ Association and the Kentucky Division of Historic Properties.

Kentucky Human Rights Commissioner Sandra Moore of Richmond, Ky., who represents the state at large on the commission board, read the resolution at today’s meeting.
About the resolution Commissioner Moore said: “I think the year 2015 is the time for Kentucky to go on record as recognizing the leadership and contributions of the great women of Kentucky. It is important not only for the women whose images would be cast in bronze or marble, but it is also important for all women and especially the younger generation to see their female role models who have contributed to the Commonwealth of Kentucky.”

The resolution states:
“Women, the same as men, have advanced Kentucky, the nation and world, and Kentucky has done little to acknowledge and honor this reality in bronze or in marble. In our visual culture, the icons and symbols of women achievers is sorely lacking throughout our state.
“A failure to observe women in places of honor narrows the vision of our youth, and reveals a lack of understanding of American history regarding women’s work, sacrifice and the immeasurable and timeless contributions to society’s advancement.
“The absence of such symbols stymies the inspiration, motivation and encouragement that these markers would provide, if they existed.

“In Louisville, a campaign led by the Louisville Girls Leadership organization is under way to recognize women.

“The Kentucky Commission on Human Rights commends the Louisville Girls Leadership organization for bringing to the attention of the public, the lack of female statues and icons honoring women achievers to public attention.

“The Kentucky Commission on Human Rights encourages state and local governments throughout Kentucky to assess the dearth of women honored in their communities, and to lead the way in establishing statues, and other appropriate symbols and icons such as plaques and murals, to recognize and honor the outstanding contributions of women achievers to society.

“The Kentucky Commission on Human Rights calls upon our state and local elected and appointed officials, to pursue the placement of statues and icons honoring women achievers in the state Capitol rotunda, in courthouses, parks and on plazas, as well as other state and municipal-owned and managed government buildings and tax-supported facilities.”

The Kentucky Commission on Human Rights is the state government agency that enforces civil rights laws, which prohibit discrimination. For help with discrimination, contact the Kentucky Commission on Human Rights at 1.800.292.5566.

Alice Dunnigan on Elizabeth R. Fouse

September 22, 2013 in 1940s-1950s, Political history

Dunnigan, 1982

Alice A. Dunnigan’s portrait in The Fascinating Story of Black Kentuckians (1982)

One of the most useful books to have on your bookshelf is The Fascinating Story of Black Kentuckians: Their Heritage and Traditions, by Alice Allison Dunnigan (The Association for the Study of Afro-American Life and History, 1982).

Fouse, 1931

Lizzie Fouse, 1931

Here is her short biography of Kentucky activist Elizabeth R. Fouse (p. 374) under the section “Women in Politics.” We present this subsection in full for your consideration. It is curious to us to think that this greatjournalist – who broke so many barriers in her own profession – would give such an important woman’s biography a mere mention of a political appointment, and leave out so much more political work Fouse had taken on through the years. Is this an oversight on her part? The paucity of this entry is puzzling. What does Dunnigan know that she’s not telling us?

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Elizabeth (Lizzie) Beatrice Cooke Fouse (1875–1952) “Elizabeth R. Fouse, a prominent Lexington educator and club woman moved into the political arena as early as 1944 when she was appointed by Governor Simeon Willis to serve on the Kentucky Commission for the Study of Negro Affairs, a commission which he had recently created for the purpose of study the problems of black people. “This group soon acknowledged that the greatest barrier to the advancement of colored people of Kentucky was segregation. It, therefore, recommended legislation to abolish Jim Crow practices. This included the abolition of segregation in transportation, an amendment to the State Day Law so that black students could attend professional and post graduate schools, and the inclusion of non-discrimination clauses in state contracts and public projects. “Kentucky became the first state in the South to make any such recommendations. “This bi-racial commission was co-chaired by J. Mansir Tydings and William H. Perry. The latter was Secretary of the Kentucky Negro Educational Association (KNEA) at the time. Robert E. Black, former Secretary of the Louisville Urban League was appointed Secretary.”

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Wikipedia logoWhy does Dunnigan choose to add the last three sentences highlighting three men’s names when the topic is women and the focus was to be on Fouse? Dunnigan left out so much of Fouse’s leadership and other political actions, e.g., her work with the NAACP, her leadership in founding a YWCA for black youth in Lexington (named after the poet Phyllis Wheatley) her founding of a segregated branch of Lexington’s WCTU (named after the abolitionist Sojourner Truth). Was this because she, like so many others, believed that descriptions of political actions could only entail electoral or commission work? See more on Fouse in a Wikipedia article started by a History student at the University of Kentucky. The civic activism of this brave and intelligent Kentucky woman deserves a full-length biography to place her squarely in the middle of our state and national political history — a history that she helped to create.

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by emme23

A Southern Patriot

April 18, 2013 in 1950s-1960s, Oral history, Social history

In the past few weeks my partner and I have made great strides in researching for our project on Anne Braden. The hardest part about researching Anne is not finding information — in fact, there is so much information it is a little overwhelming — but rather figuring out what information is the most important to focus on. I just finished reading the book Subversive Southerner in depth, as well carefully watching the documentary Southern Patriot. We were especially privileged because this week Cate Fosl spoke to our class and we were able to learn some amazing things about Anne firsthand. We are very lucky she was able to talk to our class and I am so grateful for the opportunity.

The best part about researching an important person in history is that after a while you don’t feel like you are just reading about events, but you actually get to know the person. I think Anne is one of the most amazing people I’ve read about and it makes me sad that she isn’t mentioned more often on a national level in connection with the civil rights movement.

Carl and Anne Braden after his release from prison in July 1955.

A few notes on my favorite things about Anne: Her feminism in a time when feminism wasn’t as prevalent as it was in later decades. Even after having children, Anne did not give up her career to become a stay at home mom as many other women did. She found a way to balance her career and her home life. Second, her career in journalism. At the time female journalists weren’t very common, but that didn’t stop her from working for multiple newspapers. As a female student with an interest in journalism, I really enjoyed learning about how she approached writing for the paper and how she used it not only as a way to report on the news, but also as an oppertunity to record oral history. Third, her relationship with husband Carl Braden. Anne and Carl’s relationship is not your typical 50s love story, but that is what makes it so interesting. Its easy to tell how much they loved each other just by looking at looking at photos of them together. The fact that they were able to work so well together is part of the reason their efforts towards fair housing were so successful.

 

 

Finding Audrey

March 26, 2013 in 1950s-1960s, Social history

When you mention the name “Audrey Grevious”, it will most certainly ring a bell among activists and Lexington civil rights advocates alike. While it is a taxing struggle to find many pictures of Grevious, there is much information on her efforts in local schools and protests during her younger years.

Grevious was quite active in Lexington, participating in various protests and sit-ins, while being involved with the local NAACP and CORE chapters. She eventually became the president of the Lexington NAACP and worked as a teacher before becoming the principal at the Kentucky Village Reformatory School (now called the Blackburn Correctional Complex) and Maxwell Elementary School. Grevious’s time at the Kentucky Village allowed her to bring about desegregation in the lunch rooms, a landmark moment that nearly echoes a sit-in at a local restaurant in which Grevious continued to persevere while the owner repeatedly swung a chain at her leg.

Indeed, Grevious was one of the pivotal leaders during the civil rights era in Lexington, KY, but it is difficult to find pictures from her active years. Grevious is still alive, but much weaker and ill, making it more challenging to get in touch with her. In attempting to find more information, granestrella and I are looking at the transcripts for a couple oral histories. I am also working on getting in contact with Eastern Kentucky University, Kentucky State University, and possibly Dunbar High School (though the existing one is not exactly the same as the one previously attended by Grevious). If we succeed in our quest, we may be able to bring more insight into the life of a dynamic woman underrepresented in the playing field of civil rights.

Sources

“KET | Living the Story | The Civil Rights Movement in Kentucky.” Glossary, Audrey Grevious. Web. 25 Mar. 2013.

“National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.” Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation, 02 Jan. 2013. Web. 25 Mar. 2013.

“Audrey Grevious.” Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation, 02 Jan. 2013. Web. 25 Mar. 2013.

Fosl, Catherine, and Tracy Elaine. K’Meyer. Freedom on the Border: An Oral History of the Civil Rights Movement in Kentucky. Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky, 2009. Print.

“Quiet” Determination

March 4, 2013 in 1940s-1950s, 1950s-1960s, 1960s-1970s, Political history, Social history

In the years after World War II, protests began to invade society with calls for change among the African-American community. Peaceful demonstrations were common after being inspired by Gandhi’s pacifism in India. Sit-ins by young people became widespread among members of the NAACP and the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), in hopes of stirring change in the hearts of Kentucky legislators.

Most of the prominent activity of the 1940s and 50s were in the larger cities of Lexington and Louisville. Often times, demonstrations would be in front of or inside stores or restaurants refusing to cater to African-Americans. One such demonstration involved Audrey Grevious, a former president of the NAACP and member of the Lexington chapter of CORE. She and a group of NAACP and CORE members decided to have a sit-in at a restaurant. They had been sitting at the lunch counter for some days, when one day, the manager decided to chain off the area. While sitting on a stool, he swung the chain at Grevious’s leg. To keep herself from trying to “wring his neck”, Grevious began to sing, not realizing how much damage the man would be doing to her leg in years to come.

CORE members in protest

CORE members in protest

Youth and others working in menial jobs performed a lot of the protests. In fact, young people comprised most of the members in the NAACP and CORE. According to Mary Jones of Lexington, if “it had not been for the children, young people in this town, CORE would not have survived.” Often times, women workers would recruit their students to join them in protests. Helen Fisher Frye—who was president of the Danville NAACP and worked with youth at her church—would meet her students after school to have sit-ins at the local drugstores.

Interestingly, smaller towns outside of city life handled segregation a little differently. In an account by Anna Beason, she describes how she and her friends had engaged in a sit-in unknowingly. They had gone in to a drugstore for sodas and were waiting for a long time, until the waitress finally served them. It was as if these smaller towns did not know how to handle segregation. Another instance was when George Esters and a group of his friends went to the white teen center to dance in Bowling Green. The next year, a teen center was built for African-American teens.

Out of all the women in this chapter of Freedom on the Border, Helen Fisher Frye seemed to be the most striking. Living in Danville, race relations were not severe, but she had a few white friends through church. Because of her Christian philosophy, Frye felt it important to have a place in politics, specifically through organizations such as the NAACP. In fact, Frye re-organized the Danville chapter of the NAACP and even worked to integrate public housing. Like Mae Street Kidd, she was a fearless woman who was not afraid to voice her opinions. Kidd would demand what she wanted and stand firm in her beliefs, as seen in the time when she was working for the Red Cross and did not want to travel to a humid location. In the same way, Frye threatened to drive away when the gas attendant left her to attend to a white customer. Through the leadership of these two women, much was accomplished for the advancement of African-Americans by making known their societal inequalities.

Sources

“Audrey Grevious.” Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation.17 Feb. 2013. Web. 04. Mar. 2013. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Audrey_Grevious

“Congress of Racial Equality.” Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation. 27. Feb. 2013. Web. 04 Mar. 2013. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congress_of_Racial_Equality

Fosl, Catherine, and Tracy Elaine. K’Meyer. Freedom on the Border: An Oral History of the Civil Rights Movement in Kentucky. Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky, 2009. Print.

Jones, Reinette. “Helen Fisher Frye.” Notable Kentucky African Americans Database. University of Kentucky Libraries. 4 Mar. 2013. Web. https://www.uky.edu/Libraries/NKAA/record.php?note_id=764

Kidd, Mae Street, and Wade H. Hall. Passing for Black: The Life and Careers of Mae Street Kidd. Lexington: University of Kentucky, 1997. Print.

“Mae Street Kidd.” Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation. 03 Apr. 2013. Web. 04 Mar. 2013. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mae_Street_Kidd

“Mohandas Ghandi.” Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation. 2 Mar. 2013. Web. 04 Mar. 2013. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mohandas_Karamchand_Gandhi

“NAACP in Kentucky” Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation. 2 Feb. 2013. Web. 04 Mar. 2013. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/NAACP_in_Kentucky

Women as the Foundation, not the Face

March 3, 2013 in 1940s-1950s

NAACP Logo

NAACP Logo

According to the book, Freedom on the Border, the conclusion of World War II initiated the return of nearly twenty thousand African Americans from Kentucky who had served overseas. These soldiers had heightened expectations for social equality when they returned to the States, however, they soon faced the unfortunate reality that equality had not yet been leveraged. To promote the radical change demanded by society in order to uproot long-standing traditions of prejudice and discrimination, mass action had to be taken. The key to success during the 1940s-50s was organization. Groups supporting these causes already existed but the masses observed that no change would come if national campaigns were not launched.

CORE logo

CORE logo

In order to open public accommodations to all citizens of the United States, professional groups such as the Congress of Racial Equality and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee were formed to promote progress. The SNCC held a much stronger following within the Deep South, while CORE made significant strides in the Bluegrass State.  Alongside the NAACP, members of CORE began planning – they were planning for the attention-grabbing actions and protests of the early 1960s. While leaders of this time for these organizations were predominantly men, women composed overwhelming majorities of membership within each organization. Women, such as Audrey Grevious, would hold membership within these organizations and work actively within chapter projects in order to promote local change. These women gathered petitions and plan sit-ins while men within the organization rallied support throughout the region in the public eye. This example also unfortunately showcases another form of discrimination and stereotype that has traversed racial boundaries – gender equality.

One crucial action of the local NAACP and CORE organizations within Lexington, Kentucky prompted the integration of the University of Kentucky in 1949. While this is largely credited to Lyman T. Johnson’s successful case against the state’s Day Law, many women of color, who were part of these organizations, played a crucial role in gaining support for Johnson’s case. Upon integration, many women of color capitalized on the opportunity to attend the University of Kentucky as well. Two of their stories can be heard here, via oral history interviews regarding their experiences at the University of Kentucky upon the era of integration.

UK Logo

UK Logo

Without question, Kentucky women supported the official mobilization of organizations and movements within the state during the 1940s-50s. Their activity, however, is largely overshadowed by their male counterparts who often represented the face of campaigns. It should be noted, however, that women’s roles within this portion of the movement are not insignificant as their membership and commitment to the cause gave way to radical demonstrations during the 1960s that finally demolished the barrier preventing equality in Kentucky and in the United States.

Sources:

Wikipedia contributors. “Congress of Racial Equality.” Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia, 27 Feb. 2013. <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congress_of_Racial_Equality>. 3 Mar. 2013.

Wikipedia contributors. “Lyman T. Johnson.” Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia, 28 Nov. 2012. <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lyman_T._Johnson>. 3 Mar. 2013.

Wikipedia contributors. “University of Kentucky.” Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia, 1 Mar. 2013. <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/University_of_Kentucky>. 3 Mar. 2013.

Fosl, Catherine, and Tracy Elaine. K’Meyer. Freedom on the Border: An Oral History of the Civil Rights Movement in Kentucky. Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky, 2009. Print.

Awareness of Black life apart from White life

February 26, 2013 in 1950s-1960s, Economic history, Social history

The Maid Narratives

In the Maid Narratives there are a lot of reference to black life apart from white life and the barriers between race. As stated within the book, although there were definite ties between the white families and their black servants, there was certainly a distance that upheld the ideas of class within the home, which translated into the differences in society.

For me personally, this ties into my research about the West End Community Council. This organization was very prominent in the 1960’s and it worked towards open housing for blacks  all over, but especially in the south. The connection comes into play because even in cases where blacks could afford the same housing as whites, there was a lot of dissent when it came to them actually being able to purchase that housing. The Ku Klux Klan and other white segregationist groups would utilize scare tactics in order to prevent blacks from moving into the “white” neighborhoods. Another approach that was carried out was what is now deemed as “white flight” wherein white families would all move away when a black family moved into their neighborhood. All of these show that although blacks were finally finding small ways to move up in the world, in this case financially, there was this barrier that was being upheld by society to keep blacks and whites apart, even when the times were moving towards equality.

Referecnes:

Van, Wormer Katherine S., David W. Jackson, and Charletta Sudduth. The Maid Narratives: Black Domestic and White Families in the Jim Crow South. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP, 2012. Print.

“The Encyclopedia of Louisville.” Google Books. N.p., n.d. Web. 26 Feb. 2013. <http://books.google.com/books?id=pXbYITw4ZesC>.

“Ku Klux Klan.” Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation, 26 Feb. 2013. Web. 26 Feb. 2013. <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ku_Klux_Klan>.

“White Flight.” Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation, 22 Feb. 2013. Web. 26 Feb. 2013. <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/White_flight>.

Defying the Norms of Racial Etiquette

February 25, 2013 in 1950s-1960s, Oral history, Social history

In the 1960s, there was an unspoken protocol as to how African-Americans should act around whites. As maids or “help”, African-Americans were segregated, to an extent, in the homes where they worked. They were often confined to the kitchen, entering and exiting only through the back door, and use of a separate toilet or none at all.

Despite the binding rules maids adhered to in the decades after slavery, these African-American women sometimes overstepped the boundaries. In an experience by Elise Talmage in The Maid Narratives, she told an account of one of the maids who ate lunch with her and her friends and would often come into the house through the front door. In another account, a man recounted when his father allowed their maid to sit in the family pew during his brother’s wedding. Though these two stories were of maids who were either unaware of the rules or were helped by their white family, in each case, the norms often created by whites were shattered. This is especially shown in the reactions of whites being “absolutely aghast” or “completely stricken” by the unusual events.

The Maid Narratives

The Maid Narratives

Although Audrey Grevious never worked as a maid, she also experienced segregation, but in the schools where she taught. Growing up, Grevious had not noticed the harsh effects of segregation, until she visited New York for a convention. The differences between New York—where there was more tolerance—and Lexington were made very clear in the treatment African-Americans received from whites.

As an educator, Grevious first decided to overstep the norms of segregation in the integration of the Kentucky Village in Lexington. At the time, the lunchroom was separated into two different dining rooms: one for whites and one for African-Americans. After about 6 months after joining the teaching staff in the late 1950s, Grevious decided to sit in the lunchroom designated for whites.  The reactions of the white workers were comparable to that of the whites who witnessed African-American maids defying the rules: they “threw their food in the trash can and on the floor […] and marched on out.”

Interestingly, looking at these two different stories of Grevious and the “help”, things did not change much in the treatment of African-Americans. Though they were no longer in subservient roles, African-Americans were still segregated in the workplace. The steps they took to defy the norms of racial etiquette were not in vain, however. Each bit of progress was but a stair in the walkway to equality.

Sources

Fosl, Catherine, and Tracy Elaine. K’Meyer. Freedom on the Border: An Oral History of the Civil Rights Movement in Kentucky. Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky, 2009. Print.

“KET | Living the Story | The Civil Rights Movement in Kentucky.” Glossary, Audrey Grevious. Web. 25 February 2013.

Van, Wormer Katherine S., David W. Jackson, and Charletta Sudduth. The Maid Narratives: Black Domestics and White Families in the Jim Crow South. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP, 2012. Print.

Strong Women in the 1940’s

February 19, 2013 in 1940s-1950s, Social history

phtoto of Mae Street Kidd

Mae Street Kidd

A huge impact was made during the civil rights era by strong women who overcame typical stereotypes of women to fight for equality. The example that will be focused on here is Mae Street Kidd, a woman who became an influential politician only after her numerous individual efforts to break down common stereotypes of women and blacks. Her individual acts of resistance were small, but full of impact. She worked for equal rights in her time as a Red Cross employee and also in her time as an insurance worker, all because she refused to do anything less than her best, despite other people’s preconceived notion of race or gender. In Passing for Black by Wade Hall, Kidd talks about her experiences as a black women in the 1950’s and says: “People ask me my secrets as  a successful salesman….first, I work hard and never give up…I’m fair tp people and expect them to be fair to me” (Hall, 136). This shows her determination to be successful despite race and allows her to be a role model. Her avant garde commentary on race relations made her a perfect role model for those in the 50’s looking to overcome racism. Not to mention her work with affordable housing also helped blacks (and poor whites) in the community find acceptable housing for themselves and their families.

Audrey Grevious

Audrey Grevious on KET

Another example of a powerful women in this time was Audrey Grevious, who was a civil rights activist at this time as well. One glowing example of her individual efforts in this time was when she and her friends rode around to a bunch of restaurants to see where they would be let in, and then circled around and did the same thing only in nicer clothes. She claimed she was furious because she discovered on the second time around she was allowed access to many more places, all because she looked like she may have been important. (See her oral history interview on the KET website, Living the Story.) This was certainly a big influence in her work with the NAACP.

Although these women are spectacular because of their work in civil rights, to say they are more passionate than contemporary Kentucky women I think would be incorrect. In both cases, these were just women who would not be discriminated against and who had plans for their future. Although fighting different battles, Kentucky women today could easily be just a passionate about any number of issues.

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Resources:

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